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Proof of this is that the presidents of the period suffered numerous accusations from their enemies (you have to see everything that the communist insurrection said), except for the most usual in Venezuela: that of being corrupt. However, starting in 1974, the glut of resources, The growth of the State –which was not as orderly as it would have been required– and the volume of contracts, purchases, and financing that were woven around it generated almost endless opportunities for bribes, overpricing, and the diversion of public money.
Very soon the break between Betancourt and south africa phone number list pupil was made public, and two groups were formed in AD:betancuristas and perecistas (or carlosandresistas ). The first ones supported the return to the primordial values, to the honesty and administrative moderation. They warned that the nationalizations could be ruinous in the long run and that the openness policy with Cuba and the communists would not be rewarded with loyalty. Betancourt warned about the reappearance of conspirators at different levels of the State (especially the barracks) and about the possibility that, in 2000, instead of being Greater Venezuela, we would be more like a bankrupt country.
It was then that Carlos Rangel moved away from his admiration for the Venezuelan model to become a neoliberal thinker . But in 1974, when New Societymoved its offices to Caracas, the glass looked half full. Greater Venezuela appeared to be perfectly possible, the social and economic indicators were going from strength to strength, everything suggested that Venezuela would be the happy case of a Third World country that would develop hand in hand with a democratic and progressive government. But, above all, Pérez's international policy and oil wealth projected an extraordinary image among the world's progressives. When Brandt saw it as the ideal companion for the globalization of the Socialist International, he was not wrong.
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發表於 2023-3-29 13:42:26